Women Agency, Culture, and Crime in Education
208 pages
English

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208 pages
English
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Description

In the recent times, women agency in African circles has become a contested issue, with some arguing that women in African traditional societies lack agentic power, including the power to make independent decision. The issue has become even more contested in education where culture meets face-to-face with agency in all its forms. In an attempt to get to the bottom of the subject in question, this book examines, using empirical data from the field an often hidden crime, acquaintance rape, which for many years has been allowed to spread its tentacles in Africa's institutions of higher education. This is to say acquaintance rape has been practised (un-] consciously in many cultures thereby undermining the agentic power of women in these cultures. The book adopts institutions of higher education in Masvingo Province (heretofore referred to as Masvingo) of Zimbabwe, to assess factors affecting students in higher education's perceptions of acquaintance rape. The population for this book consisted of students, educators, and other staff members in institutions of higher education in Masvingo. The book reveals that culture, gender, peer pressure, policy, and legislation or law affect higher education students' perceptions of acquaintance rape The book also establishes that college authorities, non-academic staff, and students have inadequate knowledge of how to effectively manage or deal with acquaintance rape cases due to inadequate policies, legislations, or laws governing students' behaviour in higher education. A model to reduce acquaintance rape is proposed. It recommends that all institutions of higher education should introduce acquaintance rape prevention and reduction programmes, peer education programmes, acquaintance rape reduction techniques, and acquaintance in the curriculum.

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Publié par
Date de parution 08 décembre 2023
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9789956553105
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 4 Mo

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,4950€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

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Women Agency, Culture, and Crime in Education: A Critical Study of Acquaintance Rape in Zimbabwe’s Higher Education Phinias TafireiL a ng a a R esea rch & P u blishing CIG Mankon, Bamenda
Publisher:LangaaRPCIG Langaa Research & Publishing Common Initiative Group P.O. Box 902 Mankon Bamenda North West Region Cameroon Langaagrp@gmail.com www.langaa-rpcig.net
Distributed in and outside N. America by African Books Collective orders@africanbookscollective.com www.africanbookscollective.com
eISBN: 978-9956-553-10-5
©Phinias Tafirei 2024
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical or electronic, including photocopying and recording, or be stored in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher
Dedication This book is dedicated to my late mother, Gamuchirai Chipo Mhunhundowarwa, and father, Phinias Tafirei (Senior) who passed on before its completion and publication, and my Great Ancestor Mudyiravanji Gomarara (Magurupira) Bere, who inspired me to excel and advance academically and socially.
Acknowledgements This book is my reworked Doctor of Philosophy thesis from the University of South Africa. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the following people who generously assisted in the completion of my thesis, and some also in the reworking of the thesis to its current book form: My supervisor, Professor Regis Chireshe for his patient guidance, support, expert criticism, advice, informative and educative comments and encouragement in the development of my PhD thesis which read:Factors affecting higher education students’ perceptions of acquaintance rape in Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe. My family for its unwavering support in a multitude of ways. he Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education, Science, Innovation and Technology Development in, Zimbabwe, for granting me permission to undertake my study in institutions for higher education in Masvingo. The participating colleges and the Masvingo Polytechnic for taking time in answering my questionnaires. Participants for their willingness to share their views unreservedly on such a sensitive topic. My mother, for her advice and encouragement to always advance academically. I could not have done it if it was not for her words of wisdom. Martin, Tatenda, Fanikiso, Professor Tawanda Majoko, Professor Issac Mhute and Professor Jeriphanos Makaye for being my best friends and companions during my academic journey. Professor Extraordinarius Dr. Munyaradzi Mawere for his meticulous editing of my PhD thesis before it was reworked into a book and after, and for assisting in publishing this book. The ALMIGHTY GOD for his grace and mercy and for giving me the strength and wisdom to complete this study. My wife, Vimbai for her unwavering moral and material support. UNISA Financial Aid Bureau for the postgraduate bursary which lessened my financial burden.
Table of Contents
Dedication.....................................................................................iii
Acknowledgements.......................................................................v
Chapter 1: The Problem and its Context ......................................1
Chapter 2: Rape Culture in Higher Education .............................25
Chapter 3: Research Methodology................................................73
Chapter 4: Rape Culture in Higher Education: Testimonies from the Field .........................................101
Chapter 5: Towards the Elimination of Rape Culture in Higher Education....................................................165
References: .......................................................................... 183
Chapter 1
1.1 Introduction
The Problem and Its Context
It is one Thursday afternoon at Vumbu Polytechnic (not real name) where l have been a lecturer for the past ten years. It is a sport day, and other students and staff members are busy with different activities around the college. As I am passing by one classroom, l hear John (not his real name) talking to a friend, Tamuka as they are going about their chores: “Yaah, that Stella (not her real name), my classmate is so sweet. Yesterday, we were doing some biology homework in my room, and as l was explaining the concepts, ummm I started fondling her breasts, and the two of us ended up having sex. She only resisted a little bit, but I managed to ‘get in’. Besides being a classmate, she is not my girlfriend as you know and I never proposed love from her, but she did not scream. I really enjoyed myself and I wish if I can get another chance”. “Oh, John that was rape!” retorted Tamuka. “No, it wasn’t rape Tamuka. She did not report it. Neither did she scream,” answered back John. I remained by the classroom window as the two continued with their conversation, and when they saw me, they quickly changed the subject of their talk. But from what l had heard, this was undoubtedly a case of acquaintance rape – rape committed in the name of acquaintance.
As can be seen from the anecdote above, acquaintance rape is a complex problem with no easy solution. As has been noted, the crime is intimately associated with culture, peer pressure, alcohol and policy, legislation or law. Its widespread prevalence reflects inappropriate norms about sexual behaviour that are deeply ingrained among all sectors of the society including institutions of higher education. This book investigates factors affecting higher education students’ perceptions of acquaintance rape in Masvingo Province (heretofore referred to as Masvingo) of Zimbabwe as a precursor for proposing a model to eradicate or at least reduce it in institutions of higher education. To this end, this chapter presents the problem and its context. This includes the background to the study, statement of the problem, research questions, research objectives, significance of the book, assumptions, limitations, and delimitations of the study, definition of terms and organisation of the book. The next sub-heading presents the background to the book.
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1.2 Background to the Book Acquaintance rape is coercive sexual activity directed at someone whom the perpetrator knowsclosely (Gravelin, 2017:4; Biernat & Bucher, 2019:2). It is also referred to as date rape (Santrock, 2005:257). This type of rape can take place between people who know each other such as lovers, friends, ex-lovers or between a sister-in law and a brother-in-law or college mates (Santrock, 2005:257). For Duffy and Artwater (2012:312), acquaintance rape is forced sexual activity without a partner’s consent. Thacker (2017:89) contends that acquaintance rape is a major problem that takes place as people socialise and interact with each other especially in institutions where they stay together. These include higher education institutions. Boswell and Spade (2010:136) propound that sexual assault between acquaintances consists of non-consensual sexual activities that can include sex and fondling. Non-consensual implies that there is some use of force, intimidation or manipulation, or that one of the parties is unable to give consent. Clarkson, Keating and Cunningham (2007:279) argue that certain crimes are defined in such a manner that they can only be committed without the victim’s consent. Acquaintance rape is one of the examples of such crimes. This suggests that acquaintance rape as a form of crime may not be easily reported to the police because of cultural reasons, gender stereotypes, peer pressure, policy, legislation or law, familial bonds, and other factors that are beyond the scope of this book. The tendency not to report acquaintance rape cases, as is seen with Stella’s story above, mainly due to abovementioned factors motivated the researcher to write this book. Miller and Cheveallier (2018:1) observe that perpetrators may interpret signs of friendliness in a victim as an interest in sexual activity, and thus be inclined to force sexual activity despite the victim’s protest. Further, that individuals are attracted to the opposite sex or have sexual interest in someone emanates from cultural practices (Gravelin, Biernat & Bucher, 2019: 15). This is because cultural markers often determine the level of intimacies that are formed in social relationships.From the foregoing, it can be noted that the prevalence of acquaintance rape varies according to regions and context. According to data obtained by the European Union prevalence survey, the 2014 Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) survey on sexual violence against ladies, a broad category in which acquaintance rape falls, one in ten women in the European Union (11%) is a victim of acquaintance
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rape. The experience of acquaintance rape stretches from the age of 15 up to 49 (Right to Be Free from Rape, 2018:3). Dixie (2017:35) notes that one in every five women and one in every sixteen males are sexually assaulted by their acquaintances while attending college. As for the World Health Organisation’s (WHO, 2017:2) survey, lifetime acquaintance rape cases reported by women victims aged 15 to 49 years ranged from 6% in Japan. Withowska and Menckel (2005) carried out a study on perceptions of acquaintance rape in Swedish high school students with a random sample of 1, 038 high school girls born in 1993. In another Swedish study by Hostile Hallways (2001:53), 78% of both boys and girls in high schools stated that acquaintance rape was prevalent in their schools. The study shows that female high school students in Sweden are exposed to a variety of inappropriate and/or unacceptable behaviour of a sexual nature or one based on sex that may infringe their right to a supportive, respectful and safe learning environment or/and their dignity. From the above studies, it was found that the female gender is more vulnerable to acquaintance rape than the male gender, this is because, culturally, males are expected to be aggressive towards love. In Israel (see Lightfoot & Evans, 2000:1; Ziera, Astor & Benbenshty, 2012:152) and in sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, in Nigeria (Odu & Olusegun, 2012:10; Ajuwon, Olaleye, Faromoju, Ladipo & Akin Jimoh, 2001:146; Okeke, 2011:39; Oshiname, Ogunwale, Ajuwon, 2013:137) and in Zimbabwe (Mapolisa & Stevens, 2004:18; Mutekwe, Modiba & Maposa,2012:115; Mapfumo, Shumba & Chireshe,2007:15), it was found out that acquaintance rape is perpetrated mostly by men whilst most victims of acquaintance rape are women. Mapfumo, Shumba, and Stevens’ (2007) studies were, for instance, conducted on male students. The same applies to Mutekwe, Modiba and Maposa’s 2012 studies. As a point of departure, the present book sought to explore the extent to which acquaintance rape affects both male and female students’ perceptions of rape in institutions of higher learning in Masvingo of Zimbabwe. The book also sought to examine the claim that acquaintance rape is more prevalent in cultures that have a general acceptance of violence such as societies that accept beating as a form of discipline as is the case with Zimbabwean societies (Matlin, 2008:428). Armstrong (1989:69) asserts that some societies permit beating as discipline, so it might be possible too that someone might feel that he/she is able to take advantage of someone he/she knows and make
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sexual advancements.. Rape culture, among other factors, is also behind the causes of acquaintance rape. Miattal, Signh and Verma (2017:2) view rape culture as a set of values and beliefs that provide an environment conducive for rape to occur or to be committed. As for Burt (1980: 218), rape culture is a pervasive ideology that effectively supports or excuses sexual assault such aschiramu (fowl play with the younger sister/brother of your wife/husband); a broad term in which acquaintance rape falls. According to Johnson and Johnson (2017:2), the term also applies to generic culture surrounding and promoting rape, not the specific settings which are said to be important in defining relationships between men and women. Boswell and Spade (2010:134) opine that some fraternities, abusive attitudes towards women, some cultural parameters, traditional gender prejudices, and stereotypes trigger acquaintance rape. Similarly, LaPlante, McComick and Brannigan (2010:338) propound that in many cultures men are viewed as initiators of sex and women as either passive partners or active resisters of sex. In most European countries, factors that cause acquaintance rape include frequent alcoholic drinking to such a point that one is unable to resist sexual advances, or use of recreational drugs which might impair judgment or make it difficult to resist sexual advances (Dixie, 2017:8). Matlin (2008:433) observed that excessive consumption of alcohol and drug abuse distort reality and impair judgment, hence can be among factors which influence acquaintance rape. Familiarity and some beliefs about sexual roles such as thinking that someone who provides financial support has the right to expect sexual favours as well as prior history of rape or sexual victimisation are among other causes of acquaintance rape (see also, Kottak, 2000:63; Santrock, 2005:257; Matlin, 2008:432; Boswell & Spade, 2010:136). Looking at the political economy of sex, Santrock (2005:258) observes that most people choose to engage in sexual intercourse or other sexual activities at their free will, but some people force others to engage in it. Studies by Dixie (2017:35); Santrock (2005:256); Kottak (2000:63); and Koss, Dinero & Siebel (1988:133) reveal that acquaintance rape is an increasing problem in high schools and college campuses in the United States of America. This resonates with Zeira, Astor and Benbenishty’s (2001:150) earlier observation that acquaintance rape is common in the United States of America and other English-speaking cultures. Santrock (2005:257) also observed that nearly 200
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