Summary of Jean Baudrillard's Symbolic Exchange and Death (Published in association with Theory, Culture & Society) , livre ebook

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49 pages

English

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Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book.
Sample Book Insights:
#1 The first aspect of the exchange of terms in the langue is related to the structural dimension of language, and the second to its functional dimension. Each dimension is separate but linked, which is what makes the classical configuration of the linguistic sign under the rule of the commodity law of value so unique.
#2 The law of value is revolutionized in such a way that the two aspects are completely separated. Referential value is eliminated, and the structural play of value becomes autonomous. The systems of reference for production, signification, the affect, substance, and history are all replaced with a structural dimension.
#3 The end of the classical era of the sign, the end of the era of production, and the end of the exchange-value/use-value dialectic, which is the only thing that makes accumulation and social production possible.
#4 The era of simulation is visible everywhere in society. It is legible in the commutability of formerly contradictory terms, such as the beautiful and the ugly in fashion, the left and the right in politics, and the true and the false in media messages.

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Politique

Theory

Economics

Business

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Publié par	Everest Media LLC
Date de parution	30 avril 2022
Nombre de lectures	0
EAN13	9781669394501
Langue	English
Poids de l'ouvrage	1 Mo

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Insights on Jean Baudrillard's Symbolic Exchange and D
Contents Insights from Chapter 1 Insights from Chapter 2 Insights from Chapter 3 Insights from Chapter 4 Insights from Chapter 5 Insights from Chapter 6
Insights from Chapter 1

#1

The first aspect of the exchange of terms in the langue is related to the structural dimension of language, and the second to its functional dimension. Each dimension is separate but linked, which is what makes the classical configuration of the linguistic sign under the rule of the commodity law of value so unique.

#2

The law of value is revolutionized in such a way that the two aspects are completely separated. Referential value is eliminated, and the structural play of value becomes autonomous. The systems of reference for production, signification, the affect, substance, and history are all replaced with a structural dimension.

#3

The end of the classical era of the sign, the end of the era of production, and the end of the exchange-value/use-value dialectic, which is the only thing that makes accumulation and social production possible.

#4

The era of simulation is visible everywhere in society. It is legible in the commutability of formerly contradictory terms, such as the beautiful and the ugly in fashion, the left and the right in politics, and the true and the false in media messages.

#5

The critique of political economy begins with social production, which is the mode of production. The concept of production alone allows us to extract a surplus value that controls the rational dynamics of capital as well as its beyond, the revolution.

#6

If the revolution is to be about the social and generic production of man, then there is no longer any prospect of a revolution since there is no more production. If capital is a form of social domination, then we are always in its midst.

#7

The loss of reference affected the revolutionary systems of reference, which can no longer be found in any social substance of production or in the certainty of a reversal in any truth of labour power. Labour is no longer a unique, historical praxis that gives rise to unique social relations. It is now part of contemporary life, and it is no longer even the suffering of historical prostitution that fulfills an unrelenting desire.

#8

The end of the religious autonomization of production means that we can see that all of this could have been produced recently, but with completely different goals than the internal finalities.

#9

To analyze production as a code cuts across both the material evidence of machines, factories, labor time, the product, salaries, and money, and the more formal evidence of surplus-value, the market, to discover the rule of the game which is to destroy the logical network of the agencies of capital.

#10

Labour power is not a power but a definition. It is an axiom that underlies the labour process, and its real operation is only the reduplication of this definition in the operation of the code. It is at the level of the sign, never at the level of energy, that violence is fundamental.

#11

The current trend of trying to re-enrich labour is just another example of how society is trying to re-integrate people into its structure of absorption. Labour power is no longer sold brutally, but rather it is marketed, designed, and turned into a commodity.

#12

The entire sphere of production, labor and the forces of production, must be conceived as collapsing into the sphere of consumption, understood as the sphere of a generalised axiomatic, a coded exchange of signs.

#13

When production becomes a self-sustaining cycle, it loses all objective determinations. It becomes a myth while its own terms become signs. When this sphere of signs ceases to be a specific sphere for representing the unity of the global process of capital, then we must say that the production process has ceased to be a labor process.

#14

Following the central oppositions of rationalist thought, all the oppositions according to which Marxism operates are also neutralized and exchanged with the code. Everything within production and the economy becomes commutable, reversible, and exchangeable.

#15

The distinction between productive and unproductive labor is not as clear-cut as it seems. There is only one type of labor, and it is being reduced to a service today. This is not a regression towards feudalism, but the dawn of capitalism’s real domination.

#16

The term agent of production refers to the status of one who produces nothing. It is at this moment that workers become agents of production, meaning they are no longer exploited for their labor, but instead for their mobility and interchangeability.

#17

The current phase, where the process of capital itself ceases to be a process of production, is simultaneously the phase of the disappearance of the factory. The factory must disappear as such, and labour must lose its specificity in order for capital to ensure the extensive metamorphosis of its form throughout society.

#18

The salariat is the first phase of the wage-earner’s transformation into a purchaser of goods, just as capital is the purchaser of labour. The wage-earner wants everything, and his method is not only to aggravate the economic crisis of the system but to turn every political constraint against it.

#19

The less there is to do, the more wage increases must be demanded. The minimal job is a more obvious sign of an absurdity than that of enforced presence. The exploited can only demand the minimum, but they can lower their status and demand everything.

#20

The same process that affects linguistic signs when they lose their referential status also affects the categories of political economy. Production is severed from any reference or social finality, and it enters a growth phase. Consumption no longer targets needs or profits, but instead plans for itself.

#21

Money is the first commodity to be treated as a sign and to escape use-value. It intensifies the system of exchange-value, turning it into a visible sign, and in this way makes the transparency of the market visible. Today, money also escapes exchange-value.

#22

The speed at which money circulates is what determines the rate at which every other sector is accelerated. The speed at which money circulates is the purest expression of the system.

#23

Strikes are no longer justified in the context of a system of production, because capital can simply redistribute itself if things get out of hand. Immigrants play a crucial role in today’s strikes because they are the only ones who can disrupt the mechanisms of class representation and production.

#24

The Renault strike of 1973 was a general repetition of the 1968 crisis. It was a beautiful swan song for the unions, but they were caught between their rank and file and the bosses. The workers wanted nothing to do with whatever the unions won from management.

#25

The stakes at this level are extremely high. The entire legitimacy of society is on the line. Mediators like judges and police officers have little value anymore. The student movement was too fluid for those trying to structure it according to their own objectives.

#26

The latest social movements are also a crisis of representation, as they reveal the system of delegation of power to representative agencies is completely failing.

#27

The industrial de-colonization that affects every sector of society is due to the ultra-colonisation of immigrant workers, who have most recently left their indifference for rational labor.

#28

Strikes have at last stopped being a means of pressuring the political forces and power dynamics of the system. They have become an end in themselves. In production for production’s sake, there is no more waste.

#29

The system currently reproduces capital according to its most rigorous definition, as the form of social relations, rather than in its vulgar sense as money, profits, and the economic system. The historical status of the proletariat is one of incarceration, concentration, and exclusion.

#30

The first shockwaves of this transition from production to pure and simple reproduction took place in May 1968. They struck the universities first, and the faculty of human sciences first of all, because that was where it became most evident that we were no longer productive, only reproductive.

#31

The problem of the link between the students and the workers was a sign that the gulf between those in the current system who still believe in their own labor force and those who no longer believe in it was growing larger.

#32

The mystery of value is enacted on stage: everyone agrees on the determining instance of economics, and this has become obscene. The entire critical discourse on political economy is staged as a referential discourse.

#33

The return of a lost referentiality to the economic code will give the principle of production a gravity that it previously lacked. The less oil there is, the more we will realize how much production there is.

#34

The indeterminacy affecting terms, the neutralization of a dialectical opposition into a pure and simple structural alternation, produces the characteristic effect of an uncertainty surrounding the reality of the crisis. Everyone tries to stave off the unbearable simulacrum-effect, characteristic of everything that issues from the systematic operation of the code.

#35

May 1968 marked the decisive step in the naturalization of political economy. It has given urgency to a vital transition from superstructural to ideologized infrastructure. Political economy has sealed the rift of May 1968, just as the unions and left-wing parties negotiated the crisis on the ground.