Summary of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison & John Jay s The Federalist Papers
67 pages
English

Vous pourrez modifier la taille du texte de cet ouvrage

Découvre YouScribe en t'inscrivant gratuitement

Je m'inscris

Summary of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison & John Jay's The Federalist Papers , livre ebook

-

Découvre YouScribe en t'inscrivant gratuitement

Je m'inscris
Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne
En savoir plus
67 pages
English

Vous pourrez modifier la taille du texte de cet ouvrage

Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne
En savoir plus

Description

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book.
Sample Book Insights:
#1 The American people were called upon to vote on a new Constitution for the United States. The subject was of great importance, as it concerned not only the existence of the union, but also the safety and welfare of the parts of which it was composed.
#2 It is not my intention to dwell on the opposition of any group of people, simply because their situations might make them seem suspect. We must admit that even such people may have good intentions, and it is clear that many of the opposing views spring from blameless sources.
#3 I am of the opinion that it is in the interest of the American people to adopt the new Constitution. I am convinced that this is the safest course for their liberty, their dignity, and their happiness. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided.
#4 The utility of the Union to your political prosperity is evident. It is whispered in private circles that the thirteen states are too large for any general system, and that we must necessarily resort to separate confederacies. This doctrine will be propagated until it has enough followers to openly declare it.

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 18 juillet 2022
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9798822544734
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 1 Mo

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0150€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

Insights on Alexander Hamilton and James Madison & John Jay's The Federalist Papers
Contents Insights from Chapter 1 Insights from Chapter 2 Insights from Chapter 3 Insights from Chapter 4 Insights from Chapter 5 Insights from Chapter 6 Insights from Chapter 7
Insights from Chapter 1



#1

The American people were called upon to vote on a new Constitution for the United States. The subject was of great importance, as it concerned not only the existence of the union, but also the safety and welfare of the parts of which it was composed.

#2

It is not my intention to dwell on the opposition of any group of people, simply because their situations might make them seem suspect. We must admit that even such people may have good intentions, and it is clear that many of the opposing views spring from blameless sources.

#3

I am of the opinion that it is in the interest of the American people to adopt the new Constitution. I am convinced that this is the safest course for their liberty, their dignity, and their happiness. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided.

#4

The utility of the Union to your political prosperity is evident. It is whispered in private circles that the thirteen states are too large for any general system, and that we must necessarily resort to separate confederacies. This doctrine will be propagated until it has enough followers to openly declare it.

#5

The people of America must consider the importance of government, and the fact that they are being asked to decide whether their states should be unified into a single federal government or divided into separate confederacies.

#6

The people of America have long been united as a nation. They have made peace and war, formed alliances, and made treaties with foreign states. They have a strong sense of the value and blessings of union, and have always wanted to preserve it.

#7

The American people should be aware that the plan recommended by the convention is not imposed on them, but rather recommended. They should consider that the convention is composed of many wise and experienced men who have been tested and found to be patriotic and able.

#8

The first Congress and the convention that drafted the Constitution believed that the prosperity of America depended on its Union. The people had formed that convention to preserve and perpetuate the Union, and it is still the great object of the plan they have advised the public to adopt.

#9

The people of America have long believed that a strong federal government is the best way to preserve peace and tranquillity. The number of wars that have happened or will happen in the world is in proportion to the number and weight of the causes that provoke them. It is important for America to observe the laws of nations towards all her neighbors.

#10

When a national government is established, the best men in the country will not only consent to serve, but also be appointed to manage it. The national government will have a wider field for choice, and will never experience the lack of proper persons that some states experience.

#11

Because such violences are more often caused by the passions and interests of a part than of the whole, a national government is better able to avoid them. The surrounding states, if any, will be those who, under the impulse of sudden irritation, and a quick sense of apparent interest or injury, will be most likely to start a war with these nations.

#12

There are many reasons why America might get involved in wars not justified by justice or the voice of the people. Some of them are the fact that we are rivals in the fishing and navigation industries with many other nations, and that we are rivals in the trade to China and India.

#13

The safety of the whole is the interest of the whole, and cannot be provided for without government. One good government is more competent than any other given number to collect and utilize the talents and experience of the most capable men in any part of the country.

#14

If America were to be divided into several independent governments, it is easy to see how quickly they would each dwindle into insignificance. The history of the states of Greece and other countries abounds with examples of this.

#15

Foreign nations will view us as we are: a nation divided into many independent states. If they see that our national government is efficient and well administered, they will be more inclined to befriend us than insult us.

#16

The history of Great Britain is a good example of how the people of a nation should not be divided into multiple nations. Despite their true interest being the same, they were constantly embroiled in disputes and wars with one another.

#17

The most sanguine advocates for three or four confederacies cannot reasonably believe that they would remain exactly equal in strength, even if it was possible to form them so at first. They would soon begin to lose confidence in each other and feel a disposition to distrust one another.

#18

The proposed confederacies would be distinct nations. Each of them would have its own commerce with foreigners to regulate by separate treaties, and their productions and commodities would be different and suitable for different markets.

#19

The three last numbers of this paper have been dedicated to an enumeration of the dangers that we would be exposed to in a state of disunion from the arms and arts of foreign nations. I will now discuss the dangers that would arise from domestic factions and convulsions.

#20

The influence of personal considerations in the production of great national events is nothing new. It can be seen in the case of Cardinal Wolsey, who allowed his vanity to aspire to the triple crown, and precipitated England into a war with France.

#21

The interest of all nations is to cultivate a benevolent and philosophic spirit. However, this has not been the case in practice. Momentary passions and interests have always had more control over human conduct than general or remote considerations of policy, utility, or justice.

#22

There have been, and will continue to be, wars between the nations of the world because of commercial interests. The last war between Britain and Spain was due to the British merchants trying to conduct an illicit trade with the Spanish Empire.

#23

The author states that neighboring nations are naturally enemies of each other, unless their common weakness forces them to form a Confederate Republic.

#24

There are many reasons why states might fight against each other, and the most common is territorial disputes. The dissolution of the Union would allow for similar claims between states, which could lead to more conflicts.

#25

The wide field of Western territory provided an ample theater for hostile claims, without any umpire or common judge to intervene between the contending parties. The circumstances of the dispute between Connecticut and Pennsylvania over the land at Wyoming demonstrate this.

#26

The opportunities for states to exploit and tax each other through trade regulations would be a source of contention. The spirit of enterprise that characterizes the commercial part of America would not be able to flourish under such regulations.

#27

The public debt of the Union would be another source of conflict between the separate states or confederacies. The apportionment and the progressive extinguishment would be alike productive of ill-will and animosity.

#28

There are many sources of hostility between the states, and these include laws that violate private contracts, which are aggressions on the rights of those states' citizens. America, if not connected at all or only by the weak tie of a simple league, would be gradually entangled in European politics and wars if not checked.

#29

War between the states would be much more distressing than it is in Europe, where there are regular military establishments and fortifications that obstruct invasions. In America, the lack of fortifications would make the frontiers of states open to each other, which would facilitate invasions.

#30

The existence of standing armies is inevitable following a Civil War. The weaker states or confederacies would first resort to them to restore their equality with their more powerful neighbors. They would be forced to strengthen the executive arm of government in doing so.

#31

There is a wide difference between military establishments in a country that is rarely exposed to internal invasions, and those in a country that is often subject to them. The rulers of the former can have no good reason to keep on foot armies so numerous as are necessary in the latter.

#32

If we are wise enough to preserve the Union, we may for ages enjoy an advantage similar to that of an isolated situation. Europe is far away from us, and her colonies do not pose a threat to us.

#33

A Union will be of the utmost importance to the peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. It is impossible to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were constantly agitated and at the rapid succession of revolutions by which they were kept in a state of perpetual vibration.

#34

The supporters of the new Constitution argued that the nation needed a stronger government, and that the republics of the ancient world were too small to be effective governments. They added that a Confederacy, which would bring together several smaller states, would be more effective than any single state.

#35

The author who has been most emphatically quoted on the subject, Montesquieu, believed that the best way to achieve a general Union was through a confederate republic. This form of gover

  • Univers Univers
  • Ebooks Ebooks
  • Livres audio Livres audio
  • Presse Presse
  • Podcasts Podcasts
  • BD BD
  • Documents Documents