Summary of Nancy MacLean s Democracy in Chains
32 pages
English

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32 pages
English

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Description

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book.
Sample Book Insights:
#1 In 1950, a teenager named Barbara Johns led a strike by her fellow high school students in Prince Edward County to demand a better school. The niece of the Reverend Vernon Johns, the radical minister who later mentored the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. , Barbara never consulted her Montgomery uncle about the strike.
#2 The seed was planted by Miss Davenport, who wanted to build a better black high school. But she knew that a strike could put her own and perhaps others’ jobs at risk, so she insisted on absolute secrecy and orderly conduct.
#3 The students went on strike, and marched into town to protest their lack of a new school facility. They were eventually joined by the local NAACP, who took on the case.
#4 The students’ strike was successful, and the school board ended separate education. But the white elite still wanted revenge, and they took it out on the families who had supported the lawsuit.

Sujets

Informations

Publié par
Date de parution 26 mars 2022
Nombre de lectures 0
EAN13 9781669367086
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 1 Mo

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0150€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

Extrait

Insights on Nancy MacLean's Democracy in Chains
Contents Insights from Chapter 1 Insights from Chapter 2 Insights from Chapter 3 Insights from Chapter 4
Insights from Chapter 1



#1

In 1950, a teenager named Barbara Johns led a strike by her fellow high school students in Prince Edward County to demand a better school. The niece of the Reverend Vernon Johns, the radical minister who later mentored the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. , Barbara never consulted her Montgomery uncle about the strike.

#2

The seed was planted by Miss Davenport, who wanted to build a better black high school. But she knew that a strike could put her own and perhaps others’ jobs at risk, so she insisted on absolute secrecy and orderly conduct.

#3

The students went on strike, and marched into town to protest their lack of a new school facility. They were eventually joined by the local NAACP, who took on the case.

#4

The students’ strike was successful, and the school board ended separate education. But the white elite still wanted revenge, and they took it out on the families who had supported the lawsuit.

#5

The case made it to the US Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of the plaintiffs.

#6

The decision in Brown v. Board of Education was handed down in May 1954. While most white Virginians accepted it, the state’s governing elite, led by the Byrd Organization, viewed it as another federal incursion on their right to rule.

#7

Kilpatrick was trying to protect the political economy of his region, which was rooted in the treatment of black people as property. He argued that state governments had the right to refuse to abide by those federal laws that they found odious.

#8

Harry Byrd was the most powerful man in Virginia, and he was an aristocrat. He had become a very rich man by importing cheap labor from the Caribbean to work his land, despite considerable local unemployment.

#9

The Byrd Organization, which was led by Senator Harry Byrd, was able to maintain its control over Virginia for forty years by using clever legal rules. They showed little tolerance for the vigilantism freely practiced in the Deep South.

#10

The most powerful man in state history was elated by Kilpatrick’s plan. Every member of Congress from Virginia and 101 from the old Confederacy signed the rebuke of the Supreme Court decision as an unwarranted deviation from the intentions of the Founding Fathers.

#11

The white elite in Virginia knew that the massive resistance laws were doomed, and they were. Meanwhile, the forced shutdown of any school that desegregated would batter an already weak public school system and damage economic development in the state.
Insights from Chapter 2



#1

Jim Buchanan was born in Gum, Tennessee, in 1919. He grew up in a family that was comfortable compared to most people in the state, and he never felt poor.

#2

The Buchanans also had a proud lineage. The public school that Jim and his two sisters attended was named after their father’s father, John P. Buchanan, who had been a Populist governor in 1890.

#3

The convict labor system in Tennessee was so hated that when John Buchanan, a governor who had been voted in by the same coalition of farmers and miners, tried to keep it up, his supporters turned to direct action. They freed the black and white convicts from the TCIR’s stockades, and even supplied them with clothes so they wouldn’t be recaptured.

#4

Jim’s family had high hopes that he would go into politics, but he lacked the winning charm of his father. He was a solitary child who did not enjoy other people or their company. He had a keen mind and a hunger for a future beyond farming.

#5

The Nashville Agrarians, led by Donald Davidson, wrote books to defend the South’s ways, and they portrayed the growth of the federal government as a move toward totalitarianism that was destroying regional folkways. They named the enemy: Leviathan.

#6

While he may have been hostile to the eastern establishment, Buchanan’s beliefs about meritocracy were extremely flawed. He believed that the north was gaining at the expense of the south, midwesterners, and westerners, when in reality, it was simply a result of bigotry.

#7

Buchanan’s ideas of individual efficacy, group power, and government overreach were very similar to those of the University of Chicago’s economics department, which was known for its conservative leanings.

#8

After the course, Buchanan became a zealous advocate of the market order. He took from Chicago school economics a conviction that socialism in any form was a dangerous error. He believed that each person should be allowed to pursue their own self-interest without interference from others.

#9

The Mont Pelerin Society was a group of University of Chicago faculty members that traveled to Switzerland in the spring of 1947 to strategize for the fight against social democracy.

#10

The Road to Serfdom was a clarion call for conservatives. It argued that the growth of government would eventually undermine all freedom and usher in totalitarian states. If the road to serfdom was reliance on government, the detour to salvation was reviving classical liberalism.

#11

The Mont Pelerin Society was an invitation-only network that linked scholars with like-minded journalists and appreciative businessmen.

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