Civil Disobedience , livre ebook

The Floating Press - David Thoreau Henry

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17 pages

English

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Thoreau wrote Civil Disobedience in 1849. It argues the superiority of the individual conscience over acquiescence to government. Thoreau was inspired to write in response to slavery and the Mexican-American war. He believed that people could not be made agents of injustice if they were governed by their own consciences.

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Publié par	The Floating Press
Date de parution	01 janvier 2009
Nombre de lectures	0
EAN13	9781775412465
Langue	English

Informations légales : prix de location à la page 0,0134€. Cette information est donnée uniquement à titre indicatif conformément à la législation en vigueur.

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CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
RESISTANCE TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT
* * *
HENRY DAVID THOREAU

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Civil Disobedience Resistance to Civil Government First published in 1849.
ISBN 978-1-775412-46-5
© 2008 THE FLOATING PRESS.
While every effort has been used to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the information contained in The Floating Press edition of this book, The Floating Press does not assume liability or responsibility for any errors or omissions in this book. The Floating Press does not accept responsibility for loss suffered as a result of reliance upon the accuracy or currency of information contained in this book. Do not use while operating a motor vehicle or heavy equipment. Many suitcases look alike.
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(1849, original title: Resistance to Civil Government)
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is bestwhich governs least"; and I should like to see it acted upto more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finallyamounts to this, which also I believe—"That government isbest which governs not at all"; and when men are preparedfor it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.Government is at best but an expedient; but most governmentsare usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.The objections which have been brought against a standing army,and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail,may also at last be brought against a standing government.The standing army is only an arm of the standing government.The government itself, which is only the mode which the peoplehave chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abusedand perverted before the people can act through it. Witness thepresent Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individualsusing the standing government as their tool; for in the outset,the people would not have consented to this measure.
This American government—what is it but a tradition,though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itselfunimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of itsintegrity? It has not the vitality and force of a singleliving man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It isa sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it isnot the less necessary for this; for the people must havesome complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, tosatisfy that idea of government which they have.Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposedupon, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage.It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this governmentnever of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacritywith which it got out of its way. It does not keep thecountry free. It does not settle the West. It does noteducate. The character inherent in the American people hasdone all that has been accomplished; and it would have donesomewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got inits way. For government is an expedient, by which men wouldfain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has beensaid, when it is most expedient, the governed are most letalone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made ofindia-rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacleswhich legislators are continually putting in their way;and if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects oftheir actions and not partly by their intentions, they woulddeserve to be classed and punished with those mischieviouspersons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike thosewho call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government.Let every man make known what kind of government would commandhis respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.
After all, the practical reason why, when the power isonce in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted,and for a long period continue, to rule is not because theyare most likely to be in the right, nor because this seemsfairest to the minority, but because they are physically thestrongest. But a government in which the majority rule inall cases can not be based on justice, even as far as menunderstand it. Can there not be a government in which themajorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, butconscience?—in which majorities decide only those questionsto which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must thecitizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resignhis conscience to the legislator? Why has every man aconscience then? I think that we should be men first, andsubjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate arespect for the law, so much as for the right. The onlyobligation which I have a right to assume is to do at anytime what I think right. It is truly enough said that acorporation has no conscience; but a corporation ofconscientious men is a corporation with a conscience.Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of theirrespect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made theagents on injustice. A common and natural result of anundue respect for the law is, that you may see a file ofsoldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates,powder-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order overhill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, againsttheir common sense and consciences, which makes it verysteep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart.They have no doubt that it is a damnable business inwhich they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined.

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