Radical Relevance , livre ebook
295
pages
English
Ebooks
2012
Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne En savoir plus
Découvre YouScribe et accède à tout notre catalogue !
Découvre YouScribe et accède à tout notre catalogue !
295
pages
English
Ebooks
2012
Obtenez un accès à la bibliothèque pour le consulter en ligne En savoir plus
Publié par
Date de parution
01 février 2012
EAN13
9780791484180
Langue
English
Poids de l'ouvrage
1 Mo
Exemplifies the struggles of scholars to work toward a more shared agenda for social change.Exemplifies the struggles of scholars to work toward a more shared agenda for social change.In an effort to rethink the left, this interdisciplinary collection weaves together some of today's most powerful voices in contemporary left critical thought as they examine the fragmentation of American movements for social change, evaluate what critical scholarship might contribute to the task of renewing (or creating) a more unified and efficacious left, and explore the left's possibly inadequate dealings with many marginalized groups. Representing a diverse range of theoretical perspectives within several "textual" disciplines, the essays assess historical, practical, or speculative models for a "whole left"-a left constituted by a broad range of complexly interwoven interests, including issues of class, environment, gender, sexuality, disability, race, and ethnicity. The book exemplifies the struggles of scholars to work toward a more shared agenda for social change.Introduction Toward a Scholarship of the "Whole Left" Steven Rosendale I. Legacies of Marxism 1. Black Nationalist Identity and Internationalist Class Unity: The Political and Cultural Legacy of Marxism Alan Wald 2. Race, Class, and Communism: The Young Ralph Ellison and the "Whole Left" Barbara Foley 3. Toward a Political Economy of Rhetoric (or a Rhetoric of Political Economy) Victor Villanueva II. Left Coalitions Beyond the Triad 4. The Left Side of the Circle: American Indians and Progressive Politics Scott Richard Lyons 5. Reconciling Red and Green Michael Bennett 6. A Monstrous Emerge-agency: Cripping the "Whole Left" Brenda Jo Brueggemann, Wendy L. Chrisman, Marian E. Lupo 7. What the Left Left Out Derek Owens III. The Academic Left, Critical Theory, and the Global Context 8. Globalizing Dissent and Radicalizing Democracy: Politics, Pedagogy, and the Responsibility of Critical Intellectuals Henry A. Giroux 9. Toward a Contemporary Philosophy of Praxis Noah De Lissovoy, Peter McLaren 10. Global/Local Labor Politics and the Promise of Service Learning Wendy S. Hesford 11. Between School and Work: Classroom and Class Evan Watkins 12. Another World Is Possible Mark Wood 13. Feminism(s) and the Left: A Discussion with Linda Martín Alcoff Laura Gray-Rosendale Contributors Index
Voir
Publié par
Date de parution
01 février 2012
EAN13
9780791484180
Langue
English
Poids de l'ouvrage
1 Mo
RADICAL RELEVANCE
This page intentionally left blank.
RADICAL RELEVANCE
Toward a Scholarship of the Whole Left
Edited by Laura Gray-Rosendale andSteven Rosendale
ST A T EUN I V E R S I T Y O FNE WYO R KPR E S S
Published by STATEUNIVERSITY OFNEWYORKPRESS ALBANY
© 2005 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission. No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means including electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, pho-tocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission in writing of the publisher.
For information, address State University of New York Press, 90 State Street, Suite 700, Albany, NY 12207
Production, Laurie Searl Marketing, Anne M. Valentine
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Radical relevance : toward a scholarship of the whole left / edited by Laura Gray-Rosendale and Steven Rosendale. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7914-6273-0 (alk. paper) — ISBN 0-7914-6274-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Radicalism. 2. Right and left (Political science) I. Gray-Rosendale, Laura. II. Rosendale, Steven. HN49.R33R33 2005 303.48'4—dc22 20030704
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
39
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION Toward a Scholarship of the “Whole Left” Steven Rosendale
ONE
TWO
THREE
FOUR
FIVE
SIX
I. LEGACIES OFMARXISM
Black Nationalist Identity and Internationalist Class Unity: The Political and Cultural Legacy of Marxism Alan Wald
Race, Class, and Communism: The Young Ralph Ellison and the “Whole Left” Barbara Foley
Toward a Political Economy of Rhetoric (or a Rhetoric of Political Economy) Victor Villanueva
II. LEFTCOALITIONSBEYOND THETRIAD
The Left Side of the Circle: American Indians and Progressive Politics Scott Richard Lyons
Reconciling Red and Green Michael Bennett
A Monstrous Emerge-agency: Cripping the “Whole Left” Brenda Jo Brueggemann, Wendy L. Chrisman, Marian E. Lupo
vii
3
31
57
69
85
103
183
SEVEN
124
v i
R A D I C A L R E L E VA N C E
213
238
Between School and Work: Classroom and Class Evan Watkins
203
257
263
141
160
EIGHT
ELEVEN
TEN
THIRTEEN
CONTRIBUTORS
INDEX
NINE
TWELVE
III. THEACADEMICLEFT, CRITICALTHEORY, AND THEGLOBALCONTEXT
What the Left Left Out Derek Owens
Globalizing Dissent and Radicalizing Democracy: Politics, Pedagogy, and the Responsibility of Critical Intellectuals Henry A. Giroux
Another World Is Possible Mark Wood
Feminism(s) and the Left: A Discussion with Linda Martín Alcoff Laura Gray-Rosendale
Global/Local Labor Politics and the Promise of Service Learning Wendy S. Hesford
Toward a Contemporary Philosophy of Praxis Noah De Lissovoy, Peter McLaren
introduction
TOWARD A SCHOLARSHIP OF THE “WHOLE LEFT”
STEVENROSENDALE
THE ESSAYS IN THIS VOLUME PRESUPPOSE A DISSATISFACTION WITH THE CONDITION of the contemporary left in the United States, and with the role of the aca-demic left within that condition. Despite marked differences in the analyses presented by each thinker represented here, most agree upon a broad portrait of the American left as sadly diminished in numbers, efficacy, and presence in public political discourse. Whatever measure one uses—membership in left organizations, electoral results, influence in public debate, and so on—the American left is currently more notable for its weakness than its vitality as a force in American society. The familiar debates about the relative virtues of the old left versus the new left are beginning to give way to a more pressing question about radical and progressive movements for social change in Amer-ica: “what’s left?”
The precise answer to that question remains a subject of debate in this volume; indeed, the approaches to the problem represented inRadical Relevancerange so widely that it would be futile to attempt a detailed synthesis here. The essays presented here do, however, share an interest in identifying broad external fac-tors in the diminishment of the left: the historical suppression of traditional left organizations; the failure of potentially viable historical models for the “good society” (exemplified variously by certain periods in Chinese communism, the Soviet Union prior to the Hitler-Stalin pact, or prior to the Moscow show trials, or prior to the fall of the Soviet bloc, or as never historically realized); the homogenization of national political discourses under the two-party system (exemplified and exacerbated by the aftermath of the 2000 presidential elec-tion, during which Al Gore’s narrow defeat in Florida was frequently blamed on votes lost to Ralph Nader’s Green Party); and the virtual elimination of left
vii
v i i i
R A D I C A L R E L E VA N C E
discourses from public debate in the major media (exemplified by the stun-ningly univocal nationalism and suppression of dissenting voices in the major media outlets during the terrorist attacks of September, 2001, and the ensu-ing—and by now years-long—U.S. military operations abroad). In addition to their agreement regarding the importance of expansive exter-nal factors such as these, an internal criticism of the left also emerges as a strong theme in all of the essays contained in this volume. Each essay, that is, scruti-nizes problems intrinsic to left organizations and discourses for their contribu-tion to the reduction of left influence. Although each essay builds a distinctive portrait of these problems, all participate in the recent resurgence of attention to the left’s potential culpability in its own diminishment. Among recent texts to explore this issue is Harvey Teres’s 1996 bookRenewing the Left, which offers a useful distillation of several related issues that continue to occupy the center of debate in the essays collected here. Teres’s introduction to that book builds a powerful indictment of the left for failing to address “certain perennial inter-nal problems” in left organizations, problems that have predictably led to the left’s failure to achieve its aims (or even sustain member support). Reflecting upon his own experience with radical groups in the early 1970s, Teres sug-gests that their failure was due to the left’s stubborn attraction to “sectarian and even authoritarian trends”—to the “odor of orthodoxy” that permeated both the political goals and the entire culture of the left. Richard Flacks supports a similar indictment of left organizational goals and ideological rigidity inMak-ing History: The American Left and the American Mind. Flacks argues that for left activists in both the old and new American lefts, “organizational commitment tended to undermine activist effectiveness rather than aiding it” (200). He cites two reasons for this difficulty:
First, the organizational need for ideological consensus and closure contra-dicted members’ continuous discovery that the society they had to deal with was more complex than any organizationally serviceable ideology could encom-pass. Second, the organizations’ orientation toward the development of their power fundamentally conflicted with the members’ efforts to act in either prin-cipled or effective terms. (200)
In the accounts given by both Teres and Flacks, the left’s historical devotion to centrist organizations forged in an atmosphere of ideological rigidity thus predictably gave way to a contemporary left characterized by the disintegration of major left organizations, the failure (or rejection) of Marxism and other focal-izing discourses, and the correlative dispersal of left constituents across a large number of minor activist groups. Flacks finds much to admire in the decentralization of the left, but this organizational shift has also introduced a set of urgent problems. First, while Flacks is suspicious of the ability of rigid “focusing ideologies” to account for the complexity of American social reality, the more recent dispersal of left
I N T R O D U C T I O N
I X
focus into discrete issue-groups fails to reflect the actual interdependence of social categories like race, class, gender, and others. Even more importantly, the fragmentation of the organized left into dozens of issue-domains and inde-pendent organizations has resulted in a kind of internal balkanization of the left that has inevitably reduced its political clout. Contemporary advocacy groups tend to maintain a relatively narrow focus and constituency, and this focus can sometimes aid groups in achieving specific goals. However, no sin-gle group carries a sufficiently large constituency to effect comprehensive change, and coordination of the various goals and resources of individual groups has proven extremely difficult in the absence of a unified left culture. Indeed, one is more likely to observe competitive relations between left groups than effective cooperation: Fred Rose’s recent sociological study of environmental, peace, and labor groups,Coalitions Across the Class Divide,for example, exposes how the “struggle for political advantage between several just causes” (1) has historically hampered the efficacy of each of these advocacy groups. Flacks usefully formulates the defining tension that has still to be negotiated by the decentralized, fragmented left:
The problem is to create sufficient structure to facilitate coordination; shar-ing of resources and information; mutual clarification of vision, strategy, and program; the maintenance of collective memory and identity—while avoid-ing the encapsulation, rigidity, intellectual deceit and distortion, interpersonal abuse and personal alienation that have been the plagues of the organized left throughout its history. (277)
How can the academic left contribute to the negotiation of these difficult demands? The essays that comprise this book differ, sometimes sharply, in their prescriptions for addressing the condition Flacks describes. Many thinkers on the left would agree that the drive toward diversity in university curricula includes a healthy desire to bring otherwise marginalized voices and issues into the center of inquiry, and that important advances (for example, in institu-tional recognition of interest groups and issues through the establishment of programs in ethnic, women’s, and environmental studies) have been made under the auspices of diversity discourses. However, it is also apparent to most contributors to this volume that the discourses of diversity that permeate aca-demic social-justice initiatives have largely failed to truly coordinate the broad range of issues and organizations that make up the contemporary left. Although the emphasis on diversity is ostensibly in line with progressive criticism of monolithic understandings of Western culture, diversity discussions have gen-erally not, unfortunately, provided grounds for left intellectuals to articulate a shared agenda for social change. For an increasing number of left scholars, enthusiasm for the apparent pluralism of diversity initiatives needs to be tem-pered by a realization that, in an arena of limited resources, all too often diver-sity discussions devolve into struggles for political advantage between equally
