Rapport Amnesty International sur les Philippines : "Si vous êtes pauvres, vous êtes morts"
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English
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2017
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68
pages
English
Documents
2017
Le téléchargement nécessite un accès à la bibliothèque YouScribe Tout savoir sur nos offres
Aux Philippines, la police a tué et payé des personnes pour tuer des milliers de trafiquants de drogue présumés. Une police qui fabrique des « preuves », dévalise les victimes et rédige des rapports d’incidents mensongers. Un possible crime contre l’humanité.
Voir
“IF YOU ARE POOR, YOU ARE KILLED”EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES’“WAR ON DRUGS”
Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all.
Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards.
We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations.
© Amnesty International 2017 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index:ASA 35/5517/2017 Original language: Englishamnesty.org
Cover photo:The body of one of four men killed by unknown armed persons is taken out of the alleged ‘drug den’where the shootings took place, 12 December 2016, Pasig City, Metro Manila. The case was one of two documented by Amnesty International delegates observing journalists’night-shift coverage of police activities. Screengrab, © Amnesty International (photographer Alyx Ayn Arumpac)
CONTENTS
MAP
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
METHODOLOGY
1. BACKGROUND
2. APPLICABLE LAW
2.1 INTERNATIONAL LEGAL OBLIGATIONS
2.2 NATIONAL FRAMEWORK
3. EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS AND RELATED VIOLATIONS
3.1 OPLAN TOKHANG
3.2 POLICE KILLINGS
ACKNOWLEDGED POLICE RAIDS ON HOMES
ALLEGED “BUY-BUST” OPERATIONS
KILLINGS IN DETENTION
PRESSURE, INCENTIVES THAT ENCOURAGE POLICE KILLINGS
PLANTING “EVIDENCE”AND FALSIFYING POLICE REPORTS
3.3 VIGILANTE-STYLE KILLINGS
CASES OF KILLINGS BY UNKNOWN ARMED PERSONS
DIRECT LINKS TO STATE AUTHORITIES
3.4 WAR ON THE POOR
WHO IS, AND WHO IS NOT, TARGETED
POLICE THEFT AND RACKETS LINKED TO EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS
IMPACT ON CHILDREN
4. BARRIERS TO JUSTICE
4.1 NON-EXISTENT OR WEAK INVESTIGATIONS
4.2 INTIMIDATION AND FEAR OF REPRISAL
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4.3 IMPUNITY
4.4 RISKS, CHALLENGES FOR HUMAN RIGHTS INVESTIGATIONS
5. RIGHT TO HEALTH
5.1 LACK OF EFFECTIVE DRUG TREATMENT AND REHABILITATION SERVICES
5.2 IS IT VOLUNTARY?
5.3 IMPACT ON HARM REDUCTION AND HIV PREVALENCE
6. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
RECOMMENDATIONS
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
“I was in favour of [Duterte’s] slogan ‘Change’. All Filipinos want change. But no Filipino wants dead bodies all over the streets, and for the police killing people to become the norm.”
Woman whose husband was unlawfully killed in a police operation
President Rodrigo Duterte has made no secret of how he views people linked to drugs or crime; for him, they are less than human and deserving of death. Since taking office in the Philippines on 30 June 2016, his 1 administration’s “war on drugs”has borne that out to a devastating degree. Statistics from the Philippine 2 National Police indicate that police officers and unknown armed persons collectively carried out 7,025 drug-related killings between 1 July 2016 and 21 January 2017, roughly an average of 34 per day.
In the poorest neighbourhoods of the Philippines, police officers on operation and unknown armed persons on motorcycles regularly target people with an alleged connection to drugs. Family members visit morgues to identify their loved one amongst the many other bodies that arrive each night riddled with bullet holes. The sight of bodies on the street has become commonplace; the fear of being or knowing the next victim, pervasive. Despite repeated denunciations by activists within the Philippines and by foreign governments, the relentless incitement and killings both continue unabated.
This report examines the human rights violationsassociated with President Duterte’sviolent campaign against drugs. It is based primarily on field research carried out in the Philippines in November and December 2016, during which Amnesty International delegates interviewed 110 people, including direct witnesses to extrajudicial executions; relatives of those killed; people who currently use drugs; police officers and paid killers involved in anti-drug operations; local authorities; and civil society activists.
Amnesty International investigated 33 incidents of drug-related killings in 20 different cities and towns, spread primarily across the National Capital Region as well as the provinces of Cebu and Cotabato. In the 33 incidents, of which 20 involved police operations and 13 involved unknown armed persons, 59 total people were killed. Based on corroborating witness statements and other credible information, the vast majority of these killings appear to have been extrajudicial executions—that is, unlawful and deliberate killings carried out by government order or with its complicity or acquiescence.
In killings carried out during formal operations, police reports are startlingly similar from case to case. Amnesty International reviewed police incident reports for 12 of the 33 cases it documented, and, in 30 cases, examined media reports that included a police account.Whether during a raid on a suspect’s home
1 Throughout the report, Amnesty International uses quotation marks around “war on drugs,” a term commonly used to describe the Duterte administration’s policies and operations against alleged drug offenders. These operations do not fit the definition of an armed conflict under international law. 2 In the Philippines, the commonly used term is “unknown gunmen.” Amnesty International uses a gender neutral term throughout the report, as women are likewise perpetrators of drug-related killings.
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or during a “buy-bust”operation in which undercover police officers purchase drugs to effect an arrest, the police near-universally claim that the suspect pulled a gun and shot at them, which, the police say, forces them to return fire and kill the person. In several cases Amnesty International reviewed, the police even alleged the suspect’s gun “malfunctioned” when trying to shoot them. As of 21 January 2017, these purported “shootouts” have led to the deathof 2,500 alleged drug offenders and 35 police officers.
Direct witness testimony and independent investigations present a far different—and, based on Amnesty International’s field research, far more credible—account of what happens during many drug-related police operations. Police officers routinely bust down doors in the middle of the night and then kill in cold blood unarmed people suspected of using or selling drugs. In several cases documented by Amnesty International, witnesses described alleged drug offenders yelling they would surrender, at times while on their knees or in another compliant position. They were still gunned down. To cover their tracks, police officers appear often to plant“evidence”and falsify incident reports.
The Duterte administration’s relentless pressure on the police to deliver results inanti-drug operations has helped encourage these abusive practices. Worse, there appear to be financial incentives. A police officer with more than a decade of experience on the force, and who currently conducts operations as part of an anti-illegal drugs unit in Metro Manila, told Amnesty International that there are significant under-the-table payments for “encounters” in whichalleged drug offenders are killed. He also said a racket between the police and some funeral homes leads to payments for each body brought in.
In addition to killings during police operations, there have been more than 4,100 drug-related killings by unknown armed persons. Amnesty International found strong evidence of links between state authorities and some armed persons who carry out drug-related killings. The police officer said officers sometimes disguise themselves as unknown armed persons, particularly when the target is someone whose family might bring a complaint or whose death might lead to greater suspicion; he mentioned female targets in particular. Two individuals paid to kill alleged drug offenders told Amnesty International that their boss is an active duty 3 police officer; they reported receiving around 10,000 pesos (US $201) per killing. They said that before President Duterte took office, they had around two“jobs”a month. Now, they have three to four a week.
Victims of drug-related killings tend to have two things in common. First, they were overwhelmingly from the urban poor. Many were unemployed and lived in informal settlements or squatter communities. The killings mean further misery for already impoverished families, at times compounded by police officers stealing from them during crime scene investigations. A woman whose husband was killed said the police took goods she sold on commission, money she set aside for the electric bill, and even new shoes she bought for her child.
Second, in most cases documented by Amnesty International, there is a link to a“drugwatch list”prepared by local government officials and shared with the police. Both the concept ofthe “watch list”itself and the way they are put together are deeply problematic. Inclusion is at times based on hearsay and community rumour or rivalry, with little to no verification. Lists are not comprised solely of persons reasonably suspected of crimes—for instance, past drug use, no matter how distant, is often sufficient. And being friends with or even neighbours of someone on a“watchlist”can in practice be a death sentence. Amnesty International documented several cases in which bystanders or other people not on a “watchlist”were killed, because they found themselves with or near alleged drug offenders. One victim was an 8-year-old boy. All extrajudicial executions, irrespective of who the victim is, are unlawful.
The drug-related killings represent a flagrant violation of international human rights law that is legally binding on the Philippines. At their forefront is the non-derogable human right to life, which extrajudicial executions violate. Other human rights, including the right to due process, the right to health,prisoners’ right to humane treatment and therights of victims’ familymembers have also been violated.
Amnesty International is deeply concerned that the deliberate and widespread killings of alleged drug offenders, which appear to be systematic, planned and organised by the authorities, may constitute crimes against humanity.
In response, Philippine authorities, while claiming to investigate such killings, have failed to prosecute those responsible. No member of the police has faced criminal charges for a drug-related killing since Duterte took office. A relative of a man killed during an alleged“buy-bust”operation told Amnesty International that investigators from the National Bureau of Investigation discouraged her from pursuing a case, telling her that doing so would be “futile.” When families do fight against all odds and pursue a complaint, they are often profoundly afraid of police reprisal; several described instances of intimidation. As the state has failed in its
3 Throughout the report, conversions from Philippine pesos to US dollars reflect the rate from 25 January 2017.
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responsibility to investigate promptly, impartially and efficiently, the Commission on Human Rights and civil society organisations are trying to fill the gap, but, in addition to intimidation, confront a scarcity of resources and a system built to block progress.
While the killings have generated headlines, thegovernment’s violent anti-drug campaign has also undermined many people’s right toenjoy the highest attainable standard of health.“Surrender”programmes claim to be “voluntary,” but manypeople who use drugs say they see their choice as between surrendering or being killed. Once they surrender, they find themselves in programmes that are poorly funded and not comprehensive or evidence-based in what they offer. In many instances, community drug rehabilitation consists of Zumba fitness classes, listening to occasionallectures on drugs’ harm, and submitting oneself to perpetual surveillance. Any slip-up in using drugs can invite a police operation, with deadly consequences. On the national scale, the government has started building “mega” rehabilitation facilities inside military bases, raising additional human rights concerns.
As the government has largely ignored a public health approach in favour of a law enforcement approach to drug use, many people who use drugs have become terrified of accessing health services that might link them to drugs. Harm reduction programmes like needle exchange have also ceased, lest they invite a government crackdown on non-governmental organisations and health providers. In places like Cebu City, people who inject drugs fear a police response if they seek out HIV testing or treatment, and now struggle to find or pay for clean needles. State authorities are therefore directly restricting the health options of people living with HIV and hepatitis C, significantly increasing the risk of transmission of blood-borne diseases.
The Philippine government needs to urgently adopt a different approach to drugs and criminality, one which promotes, respects and fulfils the human rights of all concerned. Police and judicial authorities should ensure accountability for any unlawful killing by police officers or unknown armed persons, promptly, impartially and efficiently investigating allegations and prosecuting those involved. The impunity that currently reigns has facilitated killing on a massive scale, hitting the poorest and most marginalized segments of the population in particular.
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METHODOLOGY
This report is based primarily on field research carried out in the Philippines in November and December 2016. Amnesty International interviewed 110 people, including direct witnesses to extrajudicial executions; relatives of those killed; people who currently use drugs; police officers and paid killers involved in anti-drug operations; members of the Commission on Human Rights; local government officials; civil society activists; and religious leaders. In total, Amnesty International documented 33 cases of drug-related killings, 20 of which occurred during formal police operations and 13 of which involved unknown armed persons.
In addition to interviews, Amnesty International reviewed police incident or spot reports for 12 of the 33 specific incidents it documented through first-hand testimony, as well as for several other drug-related killings that it did not document directly. Spot reports are official police documents, generally a page in length, that contain the basic police account of what happened. For 30 of the 33 documented incidents, Amnesty International examined media reports that included either reference to police reports or public statements by relevant police officials that provided the police account. There were only two documented incidents for which Amnesty International had access neither to public reporting about the police account nor to a copy of a police report; both incidents involved unknown armed persons, not a police anti-drugs operation. In three cases, Amnesty International had access to significant parts of the complete confidential police file, including a formal police investigation report that was more detailed than the initial spot report. Amnesty International obtained autopsy reports in seven cases.
The research was undertaken in the three island groups that comprise the Philippines: Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. In total, Amnesty International documented drug-related killings in 20 different cities, spread primarily across Metro Manila, also known as the National Capital Region (NCR), as well as the provinces of Cebu and Cotabato.
Amnesty International undertook all but two of the interviews in person. The two exceptions were done by telephone, one for security reasons and the other because the delegates had already left the country. Some interviews were conducted in English, while others, including a majority of interviews with witnesses and relatives, were conducted in Tagalog or Visayan, with English translation. Interviews were carried out in private, typically at a location preferred by the interviewee. Interviewees were not offered any incentive for speaking, and they were able to end an interview at any time.
Amnesty International has included the names of certain individuals who were interviewed, based on those individuals’informed consent. Other people spoke on condition of anonymity, citing fears of police reprisals should it become known they spoke with Amnesty International delegates. Their names and any identifying information have been withheld.
Before and after its fieldwork, Amnesty International examined relevant international and domestic law, Philippine police operation manuals, and government publications related to drugs and public health. Amnesty International also reviewed the extensive body of media reporting, both international and national, on the government’s anti-drug campaign, including related to dozens of specific drug-related killings.
On 12 January, Amnesty International wrote to the Philippine National Police with questions related to their anti-drug operations. At time of publication, no response had been received.
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1.BACKGROUND
“You drug pushers, hold-up men and do-nothings, you better go out. Because I’d kill you.”
President Duterte, during his election campaign
“Allegations of drug-trafficking offences should be judged in a court of law, not by gunmen on the streets.”Agnes Callamard, UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions, and Dainius Puras, Special Rapporteur on the right to health, August 2016
Despite rapid economic growth in the Philippines in recent years, many people have not benefited. 4 According to the UN, as of 2015, 25.2% of people in the Philippines remain below the national poverty line, and the country, which has a population of 100 million, continues to struggle with one of the highest 5 unemployment rates in Southeast Asia. Successive governments have failed to reduce significantly the gap between rich and poor. In Metro Manila alone, more than four million people live in informal settlements or squatter communities, which suffer from a lack of access to adequate housing, food, water and basic 6 7 sanitation. Other urban areas face similar or even worse problems.
8 High levels of crime, which arise in part from persistent poverty and formal and informal corruption, remain 9 a concern for many people in the Philippines.The country’s justice system has been plagued by a backlog 10 of court cases, while the prison administration has seen high profile scandals in which drug lords have 11 been exposed as living in luxury in prison. This has led to a profound disenchantment with traditional institutions responsible for ensuring the rule of law, particularly in relation to drug crime.
4 United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2015: Work for Human Development, p. 229, http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/2015_human_development_report.pdf. The same report indicated that 19 percent of the population has a purchasing power of less than US $1.25 per day.Ibid. 5 Yuji Vincent Gonzales, “PH has worst unemployment rate despite high GDP growth–Ibon,” The Philippine Daily Inquirer, 24 May 2016.6 Marife M. Ballesteros, “Linking Poverty and the Environment: Evidence from Slums in Philippine Cities,”Philippine Institute for Development Studies Discussion Paper Series No. 2010-33, p. 1, http://dirp4.pids.gov.ph/ris/dps/pidsdps1033.pdf. 7 See, for example,Edita Abella Tan, “Solving the slum problem,” The Philippine Daily Inquirer, 16 August 2015. 8 For more on corruption in the Philippines, see, for example, Amanda Taub, “How Countries Like the Philippines Fall Into Vigilante Violence,” New York Times, 11 September 2016; Aika Rey, “IN NUMBERS: Impact of corruption on the Philippines,” Rappler, 5 January 2017. The information on Rappler updates regularly. Amnesty International last accessed the webpage on 21 January 2017.9 Jee Y. Geronimo, “Filipinos' growing concern: avoiding being a crime victim–survey,” Rappler, 13 January 2017. In 2013, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reported that the homicide rate in the Philippines, 8.8 per 100,000 population, was more than double the regional average. UNODC, Global Study on Homicide 2013, p. 22, http://www.unodc.org/documents/gsh/pdfs/2014_GLOBAL_HOMICIDE_BOOK_web.pdf. 10 According to Agence France-Presse, the average length of a criminal trial in the Philippines is around seven years. AFP, “Philippine Crime War Packs Decaying Jails,” 30 July2016. 11 AFP, “Prisoners ‘living like kings’ in Philippines’ Bilibid jail with secret luxury cells, raid reveals,” 20 December 2014.
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President Duterte entered office in June 2016 vowing to wipe out crime within six months and announcing a 12 policy that would target those using and selling drugs. His approach was popular with voters tired of the political establishment and its failure to tackle crime, poverty and corruption. Although homicide rates are 13 above average for the region, the President and senior officials linked the problem of crime to drugs in 14 particular, even when there was little supporting evidence. The use of methamphetamines, known as 15 “shabu” in the Philippines, is high for the region,but the overall prevalence of drug use is relatively low. In September 2016, the Philippine Dangerous Drugs Board estimated that 1.8 million people in the country had used drugs at some point during the 13-month period its survey examined, which is roughly 2.3 percent 16 of the population between the ages of 10 and 69. A report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in 2016 estimated the annual prevalence of illicit drug use across the world to be 5.2 17 percent, while estimating that only 12 percent of those who used drugs ever develop drug dependence.
While Duterte’s threats to kill criminals made headlines, his 22-year legacy as mayor of Davao City provided 18 the best indication of what was to come. In that role, Duterte oversaw a massive crackdown on alleged criminals, including those suspected of using and selling drugs. Human rights organisations and Philippine media outlets estimate that, since the late 1990s,“death squads”with links to the local government killed 19 more than 1,400 people, most of whom were alleged criminals and“drug users.”After hearings on killings that occurred between 2005 and 2009 in particular, the Philippine Commission on Human Rights 20 recommended an investigation into Duterte himself for potential administrative or criminal responsibility. 21 The authorities failed to do so, and there was scant accountability as well for police officers implicated.
Almost immediately after Duterte was sworn in as President, reports began to emerge of the killing nationwide of alleged drug offenders. As of 21 January 2017, less than seven months into his presidency, 22 there had been 7,025 estimated drug-related killings. Although the National Capital Region has seen a particularly high numberof cases, killings have taken place throughout the country’s three geographical divisions: Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. The victims have largely been male, unemployed, and underprivileged. According to the Dangerous Drugs Board, people who use drugs in the Philippines tend to 23 be part of families with an average monthly income of 10,172 pesos (US $205), which is below the 24 national poverty threshold, defined as the amount a family would need to afford basic necessities.
Extrajudicial executions are not new to the Philippines. The military and police are reported to have killed more than 3,000 political opponents during the government of President Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986), 25 particularly during the years of dictatorship. In 2008, the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions reported, after a visit to the Philippines, that the previous six years had been marked
12 Alexis Romero, “Rody wants 6 more months for war on drugs, crime,” The Philippine Star, 19 September 2016; Pia Ranada, “Duterte bares details of 3-to-6-month anti-crime plan,” Rappler, 14 April 2016.13 UNODC, Global Study on Homicide 2013, p. 22. 14 Clare Baldwin and Andrew R.C. Marshall, “As Death Toll Mounts, Duterte Deploys Dubious Data in Drug War,” Reuters, 24 October2016. 15 UNODC, World Report on Drugs 2011, p. 134, https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/WDR2011/World_Drug_Report_2011_ebook.pdf. Shabu alsoaccounts for almost 97 percent of the country’s admissions into treatment centres. Dangerous Drugs Board, 2015 Statistics, 26 August 2016, http://www.ddb.gov.ph/research-statistics/statistics/45-research-and-statistics/287-2015-statistics. 16 A video of the Dangerous Drugs Board’s press conference to discuss the survey’s results is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XwKOnS9a9Es.The information about the survey covering a period of 13 months in examining drug use prevalence comes from Jodesz Gavilan, “DDB: Philippines has 1.8 million current drug users,” Rappler, 19 September 2016 (indicating that people who currently use drugs were defined that way based on use between 1 January 2015 and 5 February 2016); Clare Baldwin and Andrew R.C. Marshall, “As death toll rises, Duterte deploys dubious data in 'war on drugs',” Reuters, 18 October 2016.17 UNODC, World Report on Drugs 2016, p. 1, https://www.unodc.org/doc/wdr2016/WORLD_DRUG_REPORT_2016_web.pdf. For more on drug use and crime in the Philippines, see, for example, Mike Ives, “Methamphetamine Abuse Colors Politics in the Philippines,” New York Times,13 October 2016; Rappler, “EXPLAINER: How serious is the PH drug problem? Here's the data,” 27 August 2016.18 Floyd Whaley, “Rodrigo Duterte’s Talk of Killing Criminals Raises Fears in the Philippines,” New York Times, 18 May 2016. 19 Andrew R.C. Marshalland “Philippine death squads very much in business as Duterte set for presidency,” Reuters, 26 May 2016; Phelim Kine, “Rodrigo Duterte: The Rise of the Philippines’ Death Squad Mayor,”The Mark News, 7 July 2015; Judy Quiros and Karlos Manlupig, “Davao ‘Death Squad’strikes again,”The Philippine Daily Inquirer, 27 June 2013. 20 Jodesz Gavilan, “Davao Death Squad: What ever happened to the investigations?” Rappler, 28 June 2016.21 Human Rights Watch, “Philippines: Probe Mayor’s Alleged ‘Death Squad’ Links,” 19 May 2015, https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/05/19/philippines-probe-mayors-alleged-death-squad-links.22 Michael Bueza, “IN NUMBERS: The Philippines’ ‘War on Drugs’,” Rappler, 21January 2017, http://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/145814-numbers-statistics-philippines-war-drugs. The figures update regularly on Rappler. Amnesty International last accessed the webpage on 21 January 2017. 23 Dangerous Drugs Board, 2015 Statistics, 26 August 2016, http://www.ddb.gov.ph/research-statistics/statistics/45-research-and-statistics/287-2015-statistics. 24 Mikas Matsuzawa and Patricia Viray, “Casualties of Rody's war,” The Philippine Star, 19 September 2016.25 See, for example, Rishi Iyengar, “The Killing Time: Inside Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s War on Drugs,”Time, 25 August 2016; Felipe Villamor, “Ferdinand Marcos Is Buried in Philippine National Cemetery,” New York Times, 18 November 2016.
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